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Urged on by a powerful ideological and political movement, George W. Bush committed the United States to a quest for empire. American values and principles were universal, he asserted, and should guide the transformation of the world. Claes Ryn sees this drive for virtuous empire as the triumph of forces that in the last several decades acquired decisive influence in both the American parties, the foreign policy establishment, and the media.Public intellectuals like William Bennett, Charles Krauthammer, William Kristol, Michael Novak, Richard Perle, and Norman Podhoretz argued that the United States was an exceptional nation and should bring "democracy," "freedom," and "capitalism" to countries not yet enjoying them. Ryn finds the ideology of American empire strongly reminiscent of the French Jacobinism of the eighteenth century. He describes the drive for armed world hegemony as part of a larger ideological whole that both expresses and aggravates a crisis of democracy and, more generally, of American and Western civilization. America the Virtuous sees the new Jacobinism as symptomatic of America shedding an older sense of the need for restraints on power. Checks provided by the US Constitution have been greatly weakened with the erosion of traditional moral and other culture.
From a variety of perspectives, this book discerningly explores the basis, principles, modus operandi, and agenda of "new Jacobinism," an elitist ideology with aspirations of a new global order. Apparently, this term originated with the author to signal the pernicious nature of the contemporary variant of Jacobinism, as prominent in the timeframe of the French Revolution. Regarding the principal focus, the author describes how U.S. neoconservatism is the political embodiment and practical realization of new Jacobinism, and how neoconservatism is widely misrepresented or misperceived because of its essentially stealth tactics and goals. In particular, neoconservatism's espousal of plebiscitary democracy, homogeneous society, aggressive/assertive foreign policy, and strongly centralized government is shown to be hostile and antithetical by design to the traditions and founding principles of the United States.Ironically but hardly surprisingly, the more closely that governance is based on plebiscitary democracy "for the people", the less influence they have on the government because ever more power is ceded to the ruling elite. It is a circumstance that only the mentally or morally derelict or the elite themselves would opt for. Nowadays, moreover, the neoconservatives are pursuing precisely this course, substantially conjunction with the progressives and the radical left. For purposes of their respective agendas, they all want to dismantle the traditional American way of life and governance.The special value of the book lies in its rather thorough and convincing revelation of the deliberately deceptive modus operandi of neoconservatism, with special emphasis on the systematic use of skewed meanings of traditionally revered terms like "democracy,'' "equality," and "freedom." Such terminology misdirection is facilitated by the prevalence of neoconservative ideologues or thinking patterns in public life, as well as in academia and the financial sector. Such prevalence stems from the movement's extended duration of evolution, its aggressive will to power, its ample financial backing, and its active support within both U.S. political parties. Much of the support by politicians, however, may not be due to conscious commitment, but rather because of the derivative career enhancement inducements.As a by-product of developing the basic message of the book, the rather predictably deleterious consequences of various ongoing neoconservative initiatives are examined and found to exacerbate already problematic aspects of American society, culture, security, and constitutional integrity. In the ten years since the book was published, moreover, these aspects of American life have noticeably worsened. Taken together, these situations present a highly disturbing prospect for America's future. Specific examples of deteriorating aspects of American life include:1. society - increasing self-indulgent demands of citizens coupled with a indifference toward contributing to society's well being2. culture - encouragement of coarseness, self-centeredness, and pervasive sub-mediocrity through ever lowering of social standards and expectations3. international security - increasing resentment and hostility of foreign governments due to US foreign policy overreach4. constitutional integrity - pronounced trend toward ever bigger, more intrusive government and impulsive plebiscitary democracy.The author's recommendation for arresting and remedying this concerted decline presents daunting challenges. The remedial course, moreover, is hardly promising in terms of timeframe or tractability. In short, the corrective measures center on developing a new corps of elite in academia, the media, politics, etc. Alas, the aggressiveness of neoconservatives and entrenched political interests afford little opportunity for rectifying our problems and restoring a healthy caliber of governance and quality of community life.In summary, contrary to the neoconservative creed/agenda, America's "virtue" does not justify or lie in imposing a centralized, collectivist governing ideology on the entire world, the pretext of democratization notwithstanding. Rather, the integrity and well-being of the United States and its citizens depend upon a renewal of the spirit of its founding principles: personal responsibility and self-restraint, uplifting standards and rewards, moderation in foreign affairs, and local management of community life under limited/decentralized governance.